Ukraine’s victory in war with Russia is cornerstone for strengthening Polish security

To discuss the state of Ukrainian-Polish relations and the challenges we face, it is essential to consider several key external factors.

First, the return of Donald Trump to power in the U.S. introduces unpredictability in his policies toward Ukraine, the European Union, NATO, and Russia. Trump advocates for a swift ceasefire in the Russia-Ukraine war and achieving peace. However, we do not know, and perhaps he himself does not yet know, how this goal will be pursued.

Trump views the EU as an economic competitor rather than a strategic partner. While I doubt America would leave NATO, Trump would likely attempt to limit the U.S. military presence in Europe, which would reduce the United States' readiness to defend European allies.

This increases the necessity for Europe to take responsibility for its own security and defense. Individual countries, regional coalitions, and the EU as a whole are making significant efforts in this direction, although overall progress remains insufficient. Poland stands out as a leader in this regard, which we Ukrainians wholeheartedly welcome.

For us, it is an axiom that Ukraine's victory strengthens Poland's security. A strong Poland, ready to stand against imperial Russia, increases the chances of Ukraine's victory and the establishment of peace on our land.

Secondly, Russia's goal has remained unchanged over the three years of full-scale aggression against Ukraine and the eleven years of the Russia-Ukraine war overall. Russia seeks to destroy our state and commit genocide against the Ukrainian nation. It also aims to dismantle the EU and NATO, as Putin aspires to a new Yalta Conference to divide the world among three powers: the U.S., Russia, and China. He hopes that Trump's victory and second presidential term will bring this goal closer to realization.

Putin is not interested in peace; he will resort to further "escalations" to force Ukraine into capitulation. But we will not surrender. Therefore, it is crucial for us that many European countries, especially in the north—Scandinavian and Baltic states, the UK, and the Netherlands—are ready to support Ukraine.

We wholeheartedly welcome Poland's inclusion in the "Northern Eight" (Denmark, Estonia, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden, and Finland) and the strong statements made by Prime Minister Donald Tusk at its recent summit in support of Ukraine.

Thirdly, a new Axis of Evil has emerged in the world: an alliance of authoritarian regimes in Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea. Their primary goal is to secure Moscow's victory in the Russo-Ukrainian war. Despite significant support from Russia's allies, the Kremlin has suffered a strategic defeat because we stood firm. Moreover, Russia is currently unable to defeat Ukraine’s Defense Forces on the battlefield.

Another objective of the Axis of Evil is to strengthen Russian and Iranian influence in the Middle East. Here, too, they are facing setbacks—not only in Gaza and Lebanon but also in Syria.

After three years of Russia's full-scale aggression against Ukraine, it has become clear that security on the European continent cannot be considered separately from the defense of democratic nations in the Pacific region.

From numerous discussions with leading Taiwanese politicians, I know they are well aware that Ukraine's victory would significantly reduce Beijing's ambitions to seize Taiwan.

In fact, I highlighted key events and processes in international politics to illustrate the global scale of the "Ukrainian issue." Attempts to reduce Russia's aggression to merely a "conflict in Ukraine" actually play into the hands of Russia and its allies. Any effort to "force" Ukraine into peace on Russia's terms is a means for Putin to achieve the goals of his genocidal war against Ukraine and to undermine the West.

I am confident that there are no strategic differences between Ukraine and Poland. I am very pleased that Prime Minister Donald Tusk reaffirmed this during his recent visit to Sweden (November 27–28). Hopefully, this will be even more strongly confirmed during his scheduled meeting with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in December.

The "joint statement" by the foreign ministers of our countries (November 26) added optimism, in which Poland supported Ukraine's integration with the EU and NATO. Our ministers expressed expectations for a "positive screening report from the European Commission and the EU Council's decision to open Cluster 1 'Foundations' during the Polish presidency."

We hope that with this, Poland's ultimatum regarding the blockage of Ukraine's EU integration will come to an end.

We understand how extensive the work is that Ukraine must undertake to ensure our country and society are properly prepared for EU membership. However, we will definitely complete our part of the task.

In the Joint Statement, the ministers proposed a way to overcome historical issues between our countries. Ukraine confirmed there were no obstacles to conducting search and exhumation work on its territory in accordance with Ukrainian law and expressed readiness to positively consider applications on these matters. A Working Group, under the auspices of the ministries of culture of our countries, will work on resolving historical issues.

Contrary to the voices of skeptics, I believe this is the right path to overcoming current problems and a chance for the gradual fading of emotions. From my own experience – I have been working on Ukrainian-Polish relations for decades – I can state that Ukraine is open to discussions even on the most difficult issues of the past. We have nothing to hide and are not afraid.

And the last point. The goal of Russia using history to justify its aggression against Ukraine and attacking Poland on the international stage is clear: it wants us to politically and symbolically return to the 1930s-40s. That is, to the era of dictatorships, totalitarianism, imperialism, and wars. It wants us to forget the experience of freedom, democracy, and European integration.

Therefore, I would like to propose that in Ukrainian-Polish relations, we focus as much as possible on the experience of the past 50 years, because it was during this time that epochal events took place, such as the Polish Solidarity movement, the end of communism in Central and Eastern Europe, the expansion of the EU and NATO to our region, the Ukrainian revolutions, and the unprecedented assistance of millions of Poles to Ukrainian refugees. This is the foundation on which we should build our common Ukrainian-Polish future in the EU and NATO.

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About the author. Mykola Kniazhytskyi, journalist, Member of the Ukrainian Parliament.

The editors don't always share the opinions expressed by the blog authors.