New defense alliance: how Nordic countries support Ukraine

At the same time, Switzerland ranks first in Europe for the number of components found in Russian weapons. Notably, Swiss parts are still used in the production of Russia's Kinzhal missiles.

This situation could serve as a textbook example of double standards but also sends a political signal to Ukraine. Cooperation should be fostered with countries that themselves may become victims of Russia's imperial ambitions. Such nations best understand Ukraine’s needs and threats.

This is why Poland recently joined the Northern and Baltic Eight (NB8) coalition. 

The NB8 coalition includes Denmark, Estonia, Iceland, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Sweden, and Finland. Since the onset of Russia's invasion, these nations have been leaders in supporting Ukraine.

• Estonia has provided aid amounting to 1.4% of its GDP since the invasion, while Latvia has contributed 1%.  
• Poland, which recently joined the group, has offered assistance equal to 4.9% of its GDP.  
• Denmark has allocated €7 billion, Norway €4.7 billion, Sweden €4.1 billion, and Finland €2.3 billion.  

This support continues to grow:  

• Denmark will allocate $180 million for weapons production for Ukraine.  
• Lithuania will fund the production of long-range Palianytsia drones, with an initial $10 million contribution.  
• Sweden will provide over $2 billion to Ukraine in 2025–26, including funding for long-range missile production. Norway plans to double its aid budget for Ukraine from $1.5 billion to $3 billion.  

Norway, in particular, deserves attention for its resources, which extend beyond oil revenues. Norwegian authorities have pledged to secure logistics hubs in Poland through which weapons flow into Ukraine. On November 28, Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre announced this during a joint press conference with Donald Tusk.

On December 2, Norwegian Defense Minister Bjørn Arild Gram declared that Norway would deploy F-35 fighter jets, NASAMS missile systems, and 100 military personnel to Poland. These forces will protect the Rzeszów–Jasionka base and airfield, which handles 90% of Ukraine’s military aid deliveries.

Poland’s inclusion in the NB8 initiative is highly significant. Older formats, such as the Visegrad Group—where Warsaw previously played an active role—have proven ineffective. The Northern format ensures Poland's efforts to aid Ukraine will be most impactful.

At the NB8 meeting, which took place after the Russian missile Oreshnik struck Dnipro, Donald Tusk stated that such blackmail would not intimidate partners: “If Ukraine had been frightened by threats, Russian troops would already be at the borders of Poland or near the borders of Finland or Norway. We will not be intimidated by such threats; we will support Ukraine as long as it needs it, as long as it needs our help in this confrontation.”

Our relationship with Poland is not always simple, and now we are once again observing a historical exacerbation caused by the Polish presidential elections, which will take place in May. However, the strategic interests of the two countries remain unchanged and align with the well-known imperative: “Without a free Ukraine, there is no free Poland.”

That is why from the very first days of the invasion, Poland not only accepted millions of refugees but also transferred all its Soviet-era weapons, which literally went to the frontlines and helped hold back the invading Russian forces.

"Poland provided us with about three hundred tanks. Considering that all European partners together provided six hundred tanks, then 300 tanks from Poland—these are T-72 tanks, PT-91 Twardy tanks, Leopard tanks—this is a critically significant amount," comments Serhiy Zgurets, one of Ukraine’s best military experts, an analyst at the Defense Information Consortium, which unites researchers working for our victory. I am the moderator of this project.

We strive not only to summarize the successes of defense cooperation between Poland and Ukraine in the past but also to identify promising directions for the future. For this purpose, a special panel with the participation of Polish politicians and analysts was held as part of this year's Via Carpatia Forum.

"If we talk about tanks, then on the one hand, there is the possibility of modernization, because Ukraine received from Poland 250 tanks of the Soviet model, which can be modernized. They can be repaired in Poland. If we are talking about, for example, drones, we know they are very important now in the war Ukraine is waging," said Dariusz Materniak, head of the Poland-Ukraine Research Center.

Poland not only transferred tanks to Ukraine but also BMP Rosomak and self-propelled howitzers Krab. However, the reserves of such weapons are gradually being depleted, and the Polish army is also preparing for a possible war with Russia. It is time to change the format of our cooperation.

“We need joint enterprises, the use of NATO funds, and the relocation of Ukrainian factories to safe areas in Poland.”

This was also discussed at Via Carpatia.

"We have joint projects where joint Ukrainian-Polish ventures produce weapons that go to the battlefield and are modernized taking into account combat experience. This includes armored vehicles, particularly Scylla machines, which are manufactured at a plant in Poland. Also, drones from the Electronics company—these are impressive munitions that destroy the enemy with their strike power. There are also reconnaissance systems that we purchase in Poland," comments Serhiy Zgurets.

Poland has started large-scale modernization of its army, aiming to make it one of the strongest in Europe. Over the next ten years, they plan to invest more than 100 billion dollars in this. And this is a unique opportunity for collaboration between the Ukrainian and Polish military-industrial complexes, which opens up prospects for both countries.

Some Ukrainian projects are already successfully operating in Poland. The government there has simplified access to land plots and communications for strategic enterprises from Ukraine. One of these manufacturers participated in the Via Carpatia Forum. 

"We are met with absolutely friendly attitudes towards us and, in fact, we hope that the production we are already launching in Poland will become powerful in the near future and will, so to speak, provide us with balance and certain confidence in tomorrow. Plus, we are playing the long game and thinking about prospects 10-20 years ahead. We understand that this conflict will not end even with the conclusion of the hot phase of the war," said Artem Vyunnyk, head of the scientific and production enterprise Athlon-Avia.

Our enterprises are already jointly producing armored vehicles, communication and control systems, guided munitions, and drones with the Poles. Polish equipment is being tested under combat conditions, which sharply increases its competitiveness in global markets. Meanwhile, Ukraine, in addition to enterprises protected from missile attacks, will gain access to the products of Polish chemical plants. This includes scarce resources for us, such as gunpowder and TNT.

"In the Polish army, there is the RAK mortar, which fires guided mines. These guided mines were developed by the Kyiv enterprise KB Luch. There are also anti-tank systems called 'Pirate,' as they are referred to in Poland. This 'Pirate' was also created based on the Ukrainian anti-tank complex 'Corsar,' in which the Polish side installs its homing head," said Zgurets.

Similar defense cooperation is unfolding with other northern countries. For instance, Denmark became the first country to pay for the production of weapons for Ukraine from its budget. As stated in Copenhagen, there will be no red lines for these weapons—they will strike wherever the Ukrainian Armed Forces command decides. This initiative has received support in the European Union. In addition to the 180 million euros allocated by Denmark itself, the EU will transfer another 400 million euros from frozen Russian assets.

When Donald Trump won, some in Ukraine despaired: without U.S. support, we would lose the war.  

But I immediately said: firstly, no one claimed the U.S. would completely cease its support. Secondly, I predicted Europe's increased activity on this issue.  

I stand by my opinion, and the latest initiatives of the Northern and Baltic Eight only confirm its validity.

Source

About the author. Mykola Kniazhytskyi, journalist, member of the Ukrainian parliament.

The editors don't always share the opinions expressed by the authors of blogs.