Espreso. Global
OPINION

Why does Russia fear democracy?

21 July, 2024 Sunday
17:44

Today's Russia can be seen as a simulation of a state in which power and control have been seized and, for decades, held tight by a group of criminals operating within the system, comprising a hybrid of special security services and mafia backgrounds

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Behind the restored imperial facade of Russia lies an aggressive gang with exceptional appetites. 

However, the situation is more complex than just the fact that once-criminal elements, now war criminals, have seized and held power in Russia.

Experts estimate that in 2012, Russia had 39 million seniors and 18 million veterans. This demographic constitutes a significant portion of Russia's electoral base, which either directly influences or is susceptible to the prevailing sentiments in the country.

This large group of people often faces limited opportunities, social dependence, or, in other words, poverty. Their prevailing mood is characterized by resentment, a desire for revenge, and a yearning for the restoration of Russia's greatness, as they perceive it. 

These people are the collective Putin. They desired his emergence and form the foundation of his regime.

But it is not only this demographic that supports Putin. Over two decades of his rule, generations have grown up in Russia who cannot imagine life without his leadership and this regime. They form the silent backdrop that makes the current Russian system possible.

Additionally, the Russian Orthodox Church has played a significant role in reinforcing Putin's regime. Its leaders are as complicit in the regime's actions as the regime itself. Any rational person must be appalled by their deliberate, cynical, and inhumane support for the war against Ukraine.

Meanwhile, the Russian opposition has collapsed, finding itself not only outside the political process, but also outside the country. 

Russia and its society have betrayed their democracy.

From both a national and democratic perspective, Russia serves as a stark example of not only a failed state but also a fake state.

The desire to restore the empire and assert its supposed greatness is the flip side of a profound and paralyzing fear. This fear is rooted in Russia's historical inability to govern effectively on its own land. It reflects a deep distrust in human potential and a denial of the right to dignity. It demonstrates a complete lack of faith in people's ability to build an equal and just civil society.

For the Putin regime, fear is the primary driver of its tactical and strategic decisions. Each new atrocity committed by the regime only surpasses the previous one in its severity.

Fear was the Kremlin's response to a radically different reality presented by the two Ukrainian revolutions: the Orange Revolution of 2004 and the Revolution of Dignity in 2014. Moscow was afraid of the prospect of Ukraine offering a new and successful model of development.

But there was another underlying fear: the primal fear of losing control over Russian statehood.

Russia perceives as a threat not only Ukrainian democracy, but the very fact of Ukrainian independence, sovereignty and freedom, the very fact of our state. 

This fear is a central reason behind Russia's genocidal war against Ukraine.

When analyzing Putin's tactics, it becomes clear that any peace proposals or political declarations he makes are merely tactics to mask further aggression.

The nature of Russia's political regime and historical traditions push this force to continue its aggression.

Overall, the future of Russia is one of the major global challenges of the 21st century.

Putin should be given credit for one thing: the Kremlin holds the initiative in the war against Ukraine and the West. It is crucial for the West to take proactive measures to ensure Euro-Atlantic security.

This must involve:

  1. Collective Defense of Ukraine: Support for Ukraine's statehood and democracy is essential.

  2. Ukraine’s NATO Accession: This historic task cannot be politically dismissed. Ukraine should be invited to negotiate NATO membership without delay.

  3. International Condemnation and Deterrence: There must be a concerted effort to condemn, punish, and deter the Russian political regime and its machinery of war crimes.

Here, we emphasize the main evil emanating from this part of the world - Russian imperialism, which poses the same threat as Nazism and Fascism.

The only way to safeguard our shared freedom and democracy is to grant Ukraine NATO membership and decisively end Russian imperialism. This is what Russia fears most.

This is what we - Ukraine and NATO - must achieve together.

*Remarks delivered at a meeting of the NATO-Ukraine Interparliamentary Council held in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.

Source

About the author. Danylo Lubkivskyi, Ukrainian diplomat, expert on international politics.

The editors do not always share the opinions expressed by the blog authors.

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