Institutional memory — and what does Putin's prayer for Trump have to do with it?

But there’s something else in this story — a deeper layer. We’re skipping it, though, because the state lacks institutions that preserve institutional memory, including things like "Putin’s prayers."

Everything Putin told Witkoff is just a recycled version of what he once told Bush Jr. and Larry King.

At one point, Putin was prepped for a meeting with Bush and was apparently advised that to "break the ice," he should tell a "Christian story." Without overcomplicating things, he retold a sentimental anecdote from his 1999 election campaign book.It recounts how he was secretly baptized without his communist father's knowledge, and decades later, before his journey to Jerusalem, his mother gave him his baptismal cross. There, he had it consecrated and never took it off. Then tragedy struck — his dacha burned down. Amid the fire, he miraculously found the cross, which, as he had claimed, he never parted with. The clumsy storytelling didn’t bother anyone — just as no one seemed concerned when scientists proved that the cross Putin showed off couldn’t have been cast in the 1950s.

But back to Bush Jr. He recalled this story in his memoirs. And, by all indications, it helped Putin establish a personal connection.

But private conversations weren’t enough. So he told the same story to Larry King — ensuring that the American establishment (and beyond) saw him not just as a former KGB operative but as a Christian.

Now, back to "praying for Trump." Putin understands very well that after surviving an attack at a rally, Trump sees it as a sign of divine intervention. The political psychologists advising Putin have undoubtedly pointed out that this is a crucial theme to tap into.

There’s another detail we should have noticed but didn’t: during the U.S. presidential campaign — after Trump’s victory but before his inauguration — Putin publicly expressed concern for Trump’s safety, wondering whether he would survive. This suggests the topic has personally triggered him as well.

So, there are several factors at play here. First, Putin has already tested this kind of story on Bush Jr., it worked, and he sees no reason why it wouldn’t work again.

Second, he knows that for Trump, the assassination attempt is a defining psychological moment — something to exploit.

And third, as a paranoid at heart, Putin genuinely believes in the possibility of a shadowy global conspiracy — whether it’s a secret world government or the Freemasons.

Sometimes, even simple, stupid things work. If Trump loves flattery, Putin operates by the principle: "There’s no such thing as too much flattery." Our problem is that the Bush Jr. case is practically unknown to the people who should know about it. So instead of countering this effectively, we’ve settled for dismissing it as stupid. But we could have played it smarter — by exposing how Putin is manipulating Trump.

I firmly believe we should target Trump’s ego and run an information campaign showing how Putin is using him. But to do that, we need keepers of institutional memory. And while we technically have them… well, alas.

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About the author: Vadym Denysenko, political scientist.

The editorial staff does not always share the opinions expressed by the blog authors.