How Jordan Bardella is winning France's favor — and what he thinks about Ukraine

Contents

1. Jordan Bardella: Controversial moments of childhood
2. Early first steps on the path to big politics
3. Career as an MEP
4. Jordan Bardella's path from Marine Le Pen’s protégé to her possible successor 
5. Jordan Bardella on Ukraine

Jordan Bardella: Controversial moments of childhood

Born in Drancy (11 km northeast of Paris) in a low-income housing complex on September 13, 1995, Jordan Bardella has Italian roots. His mother is from Nichelino, a suburb of Turin. His father's background is mixed — Italian, Alsatian, French, and Algerian.

Jordan was mainly raised by his mother, who worked in a kindergarten. They lived in the same modest area, and he grew up considered poor and underprivileged. His father, a businessman living in the more affluent suburb of Montmorency, spent weekends and one weekday with him.

In interviews, Bardella often highlights his tough upbringing, focusing on life in a rough suburb affected by drugs and radical Islam, and a mother struggling to make ends meet.

At the same time, he tends to downplay certain advantages — like attending a private school, having access to a car and an apartment in Montmorency, and even taking a long trip to the United States with his father. In reality, his childhood was split between his mother’s flat and his father’s home. So while he did spend time in a troubled neighborhood, he also had broader opportunities.

Early first steps on the path to big politics

Setting aside the contradictions of his upbringing, it’s clear Bardella entered politics early — at age 16. That’s when he joined the Rassemblement National — then called the Front National — a far-right nationalist party founded by Jean-Marie Le Pen, Marine Le Pen’s father. Bardella later said he joined "more for Marine Le Pen than for the National Front."

At the time, he was still studying at a private Catholic school, and not just studying, but also teaching French. His decision to teach French to migrants while being part of the controversial National Front raised eyebrows among friends and classmates.

In 2013, he earned a bachelor's degree in economics and social studies, followed by degrees in geography, history, and Spanish. But he later quit school to focus fully on politics and his work with the National Front (now the National Rally).

His rise in the party was fast: at 16 he joined, at 19 he became secretary for the Seine-Saint-Denis department, the party’s youngest official. At 20, he became a regional councilor in Hauts-de-France, and by 22, he was the party’s spokesperson. He also led its youth wing.

Career as an MEP

In January 2019, Jordan Bardella, then 23, was appointed head of the National Rally’s list for the European Parliament elections. His name gained visibility thanks to support from Marine Le Pen, whose strategy was to pair a fresh young face with seasoned party leadership.

At the time, the party secured enough votes to overtake the political bloc of then-President Emmanuel Macron, winning 23 seats in the European Parliament.

As an MEP, Bardella said his goal in the EP was to reshape the image of the right. He didn’t shy away from the far-right group Identity and Democracy. From almost the start, he became an active member and eventually held one of the group’s vice-president posts. He consistently voted along National Rally lines — against migration policies, sanctions, and climate initiatives.

During that term, Bardella earned notable positions in both Parliament and the party, which became a springboard for his political rise. In 2024, he was re-elected to the European Parliament. Around the same time, after several right-wing parties left the Identity and Democracy group, it was replaced by the Party for Europe, with Bardella as its president.

Jordan Bardella's path from Marine Le Pen’s protégé to her possible successor 

French media often describe Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella as an inseparable political duo, with some even suggesting he’s part of the Le Pen clan. So it came as no surprise when, in 2023, Le Pen named him head of her party, making Bardella the first leader outside the family.

There was a clear logic behind the move. Le Pen had been trying to clean up the National Rally’s image, distancing it from the party’s more radical past. Bardella, with his youth, polished look, and informal energy, became a symbol of soft right-wing radicalism aimed at attracting a broader public.

A pro at TikTok and social media, with millions of followers, Bardella knows how to speak to younger voters. Le Pen’s strategy relied on his media-savvy persona to win over the next generation. She’s also confident Bardella will stick to the party line and continue to take cues from her.

So, if Marine Le Pen fails to overturn the court ruling that found her guilty of misusing public funds and banned her from holding public office for five years, then Bardella becomes a real contender for the presidency.

This scenario is being widely discussed in the French press. Several public opinion polls have already shown that both Le Pen and Bardella enjoy high levels of support from voters.

And while the French presidential elections aren’t until 2027, political parties are already methodically preparing their campaigns. In this context, Bardella’s strong media presence could work to his advantage. He’s sticking to Le Pen’s ideological line but repackaging it: less aggressive, more populist, and more in tune with younger voters and the digital world. His popularity isn’t just the product of a political plan, it’s also the result of a carefully built image as a “self-made guy from the neighborhood.”

Jordan Bardella on Ukraine

Jordan Bardella takes a reserved, but not isolated, stance on the war in Ukraine. He tries to strike a balance between supporting Ukraine’s sovereignty and being cautious to “avoid escalation with Russia.”

Bardella supports sending weapons to Ukraine, but with limits — he backs the delivery of ammunition and defensive gear needed to hold the front line, but opposes sending long-range missiles or other weapons that could strike inside Russian territory. He also sees no option for sending French troops to Ukraine.

He’s against Ukraine joining the EU or NATO, arguing that this could worsen the conflict and make France directly dependent. At the same time, the leader of France’s far-right promises that Ukraine won’t be swallowed by “Russian imperialism.”

With this, he’s trying to satisfy two demands from the French public: keeping France safe and showing support for Ukraine. In reality, Bardella is playing both sides: telling domestic voters “I don’t want France dragged into a war,” while signaling to international observers, “I’m no friend of Putin — I support peace and Ukraine, but within reason.”

Where Bardella’s stance might shift next will likely depend on several things — how other parties position themselves, what happens on the battlefield, and how much trust voters still place in Macron and his pro-Ukraine agenda. Still, a full shift to openly pro-Kremlin rhetoric seems unlikely. Bardella is active in the European Parliament and has no intention of following Orbán’s lead.