Ukraine’s covert war is expanding: How Kyiv is bleeding Russia from the inside

In a recent opinion piece for The Washington Post, David Ignatius explores how Ukraine’s covert war against Russia is intensifying, with drone strikes, sabotage, and espionage operations increasingly shaping the battlefield beyond the front lines.

Ukraine’s weekend drone blitz on Russian air bases was more than just a tactical success — it was a signal that, as David Ignatius puts it, “Ukraine’s dirty war is just getting started.”

The strike, dubbed “Operation Spiderweb,” was a dramatic escalation of Ukraine’s covert efforts. Lt. Gen. Vasyl Malyuk, chief of the SBU (Ukraine’s security service), declared it “a serious slap in the face of the power … of the Russian Federation.” According to intelligence sources, planning began 18 months ago, with even key Ukrainian officials left in the dark until execution.

While some saw the strikes as a potential turning point, Ignatius argues they reflect a broader shift: a widening shadow war beyond the trenches. “The front line inside Ukraine will remain a hellscape,” he writes, “but covert operations could expand into a ‘dirty war’ beyond the front, with more targeted killings, sabotage, and strikes.”

The SBU and Ukraine’s military intelligence agency (HUR) are leading the charge in this espionage-heavy campaign, often operating in quiet rivalry. Just days before the SBU’s strike, HUR operatives attacked a Russian military base near Vladivostok, the farthest east Ukraine has hit. Their drones and truck bombs targeted the 155th Marine Brigade, who took part in the battles in Mariupol.

David Ignatius reports that Ukraine’s special forces have embraced their motto — “I’m coming for you” — and are now executing strikes not only in Russia but across the globe. The HUR, led by Lt. Gen. Kyrylo Budanov, has already launched global strikes, including a deadly attack on Wagner mercenaries in Africa. HUR chief Kyrylo Budanov told Ignatius last year: “We conduct such operations aimed at reducing Russian military potential, anywhere where it’s possible. Why should Africa be an exception?”

Indeed, Ukraine has targeted Wagner Group forces in Mali, disrupted Russian arms shipments in South Africa, and even considered attacks on Russian ships in the Pacific, including through sea drones disguised in cargo containers.

Meanwhile, the SBU has developed naval drones with European help and carried out multiple attacks on the Kerch Strait Bridge — a symbol of Russia’s hold on Crimea.

These high-risk operations have not always sat well with the United States. The 2022 assassination of Daria Dugina, reportedly orchestrated by Ukrainian agents, was an example of a move Washington “strongly opposed,” according to U.S. intelligence.

Looking ahead, new flashpoints could emerge in Moldova’s Russian-backed breakaway region of Transnistria, where Ukraine reportedly contemplated an operation but pulled back. Meanwhile, Russia is threatening to send 10,000 troops there, prompting fears of broader destabilization.

Ignatius contrasts this grim trajectory with Donald Trump’s casual analogy last week, likening the war to “two young children fighting like crazy in a park.” But, as Ignatius bluntly notes, the images Trump referenced of “severed limbs and shattered bodies” prove this is no playground scuffle.

In the end, Ukraine’s message is clear: it won’t be bullied into neutrality. As Kyiv’s negotiators put it, “It can choose to be part of the Euro-Atlantic community.” And as long as Moscow tries to deny that choice, the shadow war will go on.